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On April 30th, however, when the Government proposed to take certain specified days for their business, Mr. Gladstone objected, insisting that they should be uniform in their action and take all Wednesdays up to Whitsuntide. This afforded a manifest opportunity for shelving the Suffrage Bill which the opponents were quick to perceive and, although Mr. Smith declared himself unable to take this day, Sir Henry James moved that all Wednesdays be taken. This was carried and the Government, for probably the first time in Parliamentary History, had a day forced on them.
_1892._–Better fortunes attended the endeavours of the Parliamentary leaders in the following session. Mr. Woodall having accepted office in the Government, Sir Algernon Borthwick (now Lord Glenesk) undertook the necessary arrangements for the introduction of the Bill. This was placed, by the result of the ballot for a day, in the hands of Sir Albert Rollit, who set it down for April 27th in the following terms:
Every woman who (1) in Great Britain is registered as an elector for any Town Council or County Council, or (2) in Ireland is a rate-payer ent.i.tled to vote at an election for guardians of the poor, shall be ent.i.tled to be registered as a Parliamentary elector and, when registered, to vote at any Parliamentary election for the County borough or division wherein the qualifying property is situate.
This Bill was brought forward for second reading on the appointed day by Sir Albert Rollit with a powerful statement of the question, and a debate followed marked by a high and serious tone. For this brief narrative it will suffice to note the closing speech from the Right Hon. A. J. Balfour, who concluded by saying that whenever any important extension of the Franchise was brought up “they would have to face and deal with the problem of Women’s Suffrage–and deal with it in a complete fashion.” The division showed 175 for the Bill, 192 against–a result which was a surprise to both sides, for the opponents had exerted themselves in a manner beyond all precedent; they had sent round a whip signed by twenty members, ten on each side of the House, and Mr. Gladstone had written a letter to Mr. Samuel Smith, that had been circulated as a pamphlet, in which amongst other points he urged that at least it should be ascertained “that the womanly mind of the country was in overwhelming proportion and with deliberate purpose bent on procuring the vote.”
_1893-1895._–At the opening of the Parliament it was a great satisfaction to the Women’s Suffrage party that Viscount Wolmer (now the Earl of Selborne) had undertaken the Parliamentary leadership of the question. It will hardly be needful here to go into all the causes which thwarted the vigilance of the leader in procuring a hearing for the measure in that Parliament.
On June 1st, 1895, a representative Conference was held at Westminster Town Hall to consider a plan for an appeal to the House of Commons from women all over the United Kingdom. Miss Florence Davenport Hill, who presided, briefly explained that the object of such an appeal was to convince the country in a more emphatic manner than could be possible by the pet.i.tions, memorials and demonstrations that already had been tried again and again, all of which were necessarily limited in their scope. This appeal should be from women of all ranks and cla.s.ses in all parts of the United Kingdom. The Appeal for the Parliamentary Franchise then agreed upon was managed by a committee appointed from the chief organisations amongst women.
_1896._–This effort to “focus the diffused interest of women in the suffrage into one concentrated expression” resulted in the collection of 257,796 signatures, nearly every const.i.tuency in the United Kingdom being represented. Although the Appeal was in readiness for presentation in the session of 1895, a suitable opportunity did not arise until 1896, when a fairly good place had been drawn in the ballot by Mr. Faithfull Begg and the Bill was set down for May 20th.
Permission was obtained to place the Appeal in Westminster Hall on May 19th, and pa.s.ses were given to the Committee to enable them to show it to any Members of Parliament who might wish to inspect it.
Accordingly–although it was already known that all Wednesdays had been taken in Government business–the Appeal of the women of this day and generation for const.i.tutional rights was placed in that grand old Hall, round which the Parliamentary a.s.sociations of a thousand years are cl.u.s.tered. Many Members showed great interest in studying the signatures from their respective const.i.tuencies.
Irrespective of the interest called forth, other good results followed, for the Women’s Suffrage Societies had been drawn into pleasant relation with a great many new friends and helpers all over the country. It was also shown that women who differed widely on political and social questions could work cordially and unanimously for this common object. The closer union which this work had brought about led to the modification of the Special Appeal Committee into a combined Committee for Parliamentary Work. A Conference held in the Priory Rooms, Birmingham, October 16th, attended by delegates from all the Women’s Suffrage Societies, greatly a.s.sisted concerted action.
_1897._–All was thus in good working order when at the opening of the session an excellent place was drawn in the ballot by Mr. Faithfull Begg (M. P. for St. Rollox division of Glasgow) and the Women’s Franchise Bill was set down for February 3rd, when it pa.s.sed second reading by a majority of 71. The old opponents sent out a strong whip against the Bill and mustered in force, but they were exceeded by the old friends, nor did the division show the whole strength of the movement, as many known to be favorable were still absent at that early date of the session.[485] A statement issued by the National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies, said:
This vote places the question of Women’s Suffrage in a new phase, and its friends have only to continue to press it upon the attention of Parliament and the public in order to render it necessary at no distant date that it should be dealt with by the Government of the day. This has been the history of nearly all important measures of reform. They have very rarely been placed on the Statute Book by private members; but private members by repeatedly bringing a particular question before the House give the opportunity for its full consideration by Parliament and the country, so that in due time it takes its place as a Government measure. It will be the aim of the Union to put Women’s Suffrage in this position, so that no Government, of whatever party, shall be able to touch questions relating to representation without at the same time removing the electoral disabilities of women.
The closer coalition that Autumn of all the Societies which make Women’s Suffrage their sole object into a National Union was in itself a symptom of that new phase, and the combined Sub-Committee was now further modified into the Executive Committee of the National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies.
_1898-1899._–The value of this second reading has been permanent notwithstanding that its progress through the next stage of going into Committee was thwarted by what even the _Times_ described as an “undignified shuffle.” The rule that Bills which have reached Committee stage before Whitsuntide should be taken on Wednesdays after Whitsuntide in their turn, so that if any one Bill is not finished on the day it is taken it is carried to the next, was so worked as to shut out the Women’s Franchise Bill in 1899, and the rule which was meant to give equitable share to all was abused by purposely protracted talk over Bills which had no claim to such profuse attention.
This was the last opportunity that the pressure of the eventful years with which the century closed afforded for Parliamentary debate. The great meeting in Queen’s Hall, London, June 29th, 1899, when the National Union of Women’s Suffrage Societies gave hearty welcome to their fellow-workers from all parts of the globe during the International Council of Women, remains the latest event of public significance.
The new House of Commons, 1901, includes 267 members who have voted in former Parliaments on the question of extending the Parliamentary Franchise to Women; of these 96 are opponents, 171 are supporters. One has continued to be a consistent opponent from the division on Mr.
John Stuart Mill’s amendment to the Reform Bill of 1867. Two have continued to be consistent supporters from the same division. Of members whose first time of voting dates from one or other of the numerous divisions which took place between the Reform Acts of 1867 and 1884, there still remain 20 opponents and 25 supporters. Of the members who recorded their vote for the first time on the question in the division on Sir Albert Rollit’s Bill of 1892, there remain 24 opponents and 30 supporters. Of those whose first votes date from the division on Mr. Faithfull Begg’s Bill in 1897, there remain 51 opponents and 114 supporters.
Thus the ratio of supporters gradually strengthens, and this notwithstanding the retirement of twice as many tried friends as of steady opponents. If to these considerations it is added that amongst the newly-elected members, for each one who is understood to be an opponent there are at least three understood to be friendly, it will be seen that the march of time strengthens the ranks of the Women’s Suffrage cause in the House of Commons.
Amongst the supporters who have retired from Parliamentary life are three past leaders of the Women’s Suffrage Bill, Mr. Leonard Courtney, Mr. Woodall and Mr. Faithfull Begg. Two past leaders now have seats in the Cabinet, Lord Selborne and Mr. George Wyndham. The Premier, Lord Salisbury, has been at all times a true friend; the leader of the House of Commons, the Right Hon. A. J. Balfour, has voted and spoken in favor of the question in that body.
Mention has been made of the death of Miss Becker and of Miss Biggs.
Miss Isabella M. S. Tod of Belfast, who pa.s.sed away on December 8th, 1896, was a bright and leading spirit, in Ireland especially. In November, 1899, the Edinburgh Committee lost their much-loved Hon.
Secretary, Miss Eliza Wigham, who had held that office for more than thirty years. In the same month Mr. Jacob Bright, who secured the Munic.i.p.al Franchise for women, also pa.s.sed away.
In Ireland the Local Government Act of 1898 gave fresh impetus to women’s public work, and Mrs. Haslam, the veteran Hon. Secretary of the Dublin Women’s Suffrage Society, for the past twenty-six years, still encourages the rising workers of today.
The North of England Women’s Suffrage Society has just sent a pet.i.tion with over 29,000 signatures entirely from women working in Lancashire cotton factories. The pet.i.tion, which looked like a garden roller from its size, was brought up by a deputation of fifteen of the women, and by them placed in the hands of their Parliamentary friends for presentation.
In London the branches have amalgamated into one Central Society–President, Lady Frances Balfour; Chairman, Mrs. Millicent Garrett Fawcett–and life and effort are apparent in every direction.[486]
The new century has opened with a heavy shadow of sorrow for the British people in the death of their much-loved sovereign, Queen Victoria. Her reign will always be conspicuous as an era of change of tone in regard to the studies and pursuits of women. The extent to which that change is due to the presence on the throne of a woman full of goodness–one for whom Truth was her guide and Duty her rule in every action of her life–will stand out more clearly perhaps to future generations. But this we know, that during the Victorian era the idea of separateness in the interests of men and women has grown less and less, while co-operation and sympathy have grown more and more, so that these words of one of the pioneer thinkers on this subject, Mrs. Jameson, have become a key-note to the suffrage movement: “Whatsoever things are good, whatsoever things are wise, whatsoever things are holy, must be accomplished by communion between brave men and brave women.”
LAWS SPECIALLY AFFECTING WOMEN.
Half a century ago married women had no right to their earnings, nor to dispose of their property; all belonged to the husband unless settled on the wife and then it was in keeping of trustees. Mothers had no rights in their children. All professions were closed to women.
_1839._–Custody of Infants Act empowered the Lord Chancellor to leave custody of her child to the mother, up to the age of seven, in case of divorce.
_1873._–Custody of Infants Act allowed the mother custody of her child to the age of sixteen in case of divorce.
_1886._–Guardianship of Infants Act gave the right to a surviving mother to be joint guardian in addition to any appointed by the father. The Act also enabled her to appoint a guardian in case of the father’s death or incapacity; it also required the Court to have regard to the wishes of the mother as well as of the father.
_1870-1874._–Married Women’s Property Acts secured to them all rights to property acquired by their own skill and industry, and to all investments of their own money in their own names.
_1882._–Married Women’s Property Act consolidated and amended the previous act, enabling married women to acquire, hold and dispose by will or otherwise of any real or personal property without the intervention of a trustee.
_1876._–Medical Education Act permitted medical degrees to be conferred on women.
_1890._–Intestates Act provided that when a man dies intestate leaving a widow and no children, all his estate if under 500, goes to the widow, if over 500 she shall have 500 in addition to her share in the residue.[487]
LAWS RELATING TO LOCAL GOVERNMENT. (SUFFRAGE.)
_1869._–Munic.i.p.al Corporations Act restored to women rate-payers of England the vote in Munic.i.p.al Elections which had been taken away by the Munic.i.p.al Corporation Act of 1835.
_1870._–Elementary Education Act created School Boards and placed women on a complete equality both as electors and as eligible for election.
_1881-1882._–The Munic.i.p.al Act for Scotland gave to women the same Munic.i.p.al Franchise possessed by those of England since 1869. They already had the School Franchise.
_1888._–The County Electors Act gave women equal franchises with men for the election of Councillors for the County Councils created by the Local Government Act of that year.
_1894._–Local Government Act which reorganised the Parochial Poor-Law Administration in the Counties, confirmed the rights of women to all Local Franchises and their eligibility as Poor-Law Guardians; and made them also eligible as Parish and District Councillors.
_1896._–Poor-Law Guardian Act for Ireland made women for the first time eligible as Poor-Law Guardian.
_1898._–Irish Local Government Act reorganized the system of Local Government in Ireland on similar lines to that in England. Women who had hitherto been excluded from the Munic.i.p.al Franchise now had all Local Franchises conferred on them and were made eligible for Rural and Urban District Councils.
_1899._–London Government Act changed the system of Vestries to that of Borough Councils throughout the Metropolitan Districts. Women had been eligible on the old Vestries and several were then serving. Their claim to sit on the new Borough Councils was, however, rejected.
WOMEN IN PUBLIC WORK.
Half a century ago no offices were held by women beyond such parochial offices as s.e.xtoness, Overseer and Churchwarden, which they occasionally filled. Their always-existing right to act as Poor-Law Guardians seems to have been entirely left in abeyance until the early ’70’s, when the attention of public-spirited women was being called to the need of reformation in the workhouses.
_1870._–MEMBERS OF SCHOOL BOARD: Miss Lydia Becker was the first woman to be elected to public office by the popular vote. This was at the first School Board election in Manchester, in November, 1870. She was re-elected at every subsequent triennial election until her death in 1890. Several were elected in London and other large towns. Their number has gone on slowly increasing, both in towns and rural districts, the women being re-elected again and again whenever they continued to stand.
_1873._–POOR-LAW INSPECTORS: The first woman was appointed Poor-Law Inspector in 1873. Then for some years there was no other. Two now fill that office, appointed in 1885 and 1898 respectively.
_1875._ POOR-LAW GUARDIANS: The first Poor-Law Guardian was elected in 1875. There are now over 1,000 serving as Guardians and District Councillors in England, a few in Scotland, and about 90 in Ireland.
_1892._–ROYAL COMMISSIONS: Women were appointed as a.s.sistant Commissioners on the Royal Commission of Labor in 1892, and as Royal Commissioners to enquire into secondary education in 1895.