History of The Reign of Philip The Second King of Spain is a Webnovel created by William H. Prescott.
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[484] “No hay sino un Madrid.”
[485] “Donde Madrid esta, calle el mundo.”
[486] “No se conoce cielo mas benevolo, mas apacible clima, influso mas favorable, con que sobresalen hermosos rostros, disposiciones gallardas, lucidos ingenios, coracones valientes, y generosos animos.” Sylva, Poblacion de Espana, cap 4.
[487]
“El aire de Madrid es tan sotil Que mata a un hombre, y no apaga a un candil.”
[488] Lucio Marineo gives a very different view of the environs of Madrid in Ferdinand and Isabella’s time. The picture, by the hand of a contemporary, affords so striking a contrast to the present time that it is worth quoting. “Corren por ella los ayres muy delgados: por los quales siepre bive la gete muy sana. Tiene mas este lugar grades terminos y campos muy fertiles: los quales llama lomos de Madrid. Por que cojen en ellos mucho pan y vino, y otras cosas necessarias y matenimientos muy sanos.” Cosas Memorables de Espana, fol. 13.
[489] Such at least is Ford’s opinion. (See the Handbook of Spain, p.
720 et seq.) His clever and caustic remarks on the climate of Madrid will disenchant the traveller whose notions of the capital have been derived only from the reports of the natives.
[490] “Solo Madrid es corte.”
Ford, who has certainly not ministered to the vanity of the Madrileno, has strung together these various proverbs with good effect.
[491] Balmes, Protestantism and Catholicity compared, p. 215.
[492] “Il y avoit bien 30. ans que ceux de Brusselles avoyent commence, et avoyent perce des collines, des champs et chemins, desquels ils avoient achapte les fonds des proprietaires, on y avoit faict 40.
grandes escluses….. et cousta dix huits cent mille florins.” Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, tom. I. fol. 26.
[493] “Je vois une grande jeunesse en ces pays, avec les murs desquelz ne me scaurois ny ne voudrois accommoder; la fidelite du monde et respect envers Dieu et son prince si corrompuz,….. que ne desirerois pas seullement de les pas gouverner,…. mais aussy me fasche de le veoir, congnoistre et de vivre…. entre telles gens.” Papiers d’Etat de Granvelle, tom. IV. p. 476.
[494] Gerlache, Histoire du Royaume des Pays-Bas, (Bruxelles, 1842,) tom. I. p. 71.
[495] “Es menester ver como la n.o.bleza se ha desde mucho tiempo desmandada y empenada por usura y gastos superfluos, gastando casi mas que doble de lo que tenian en edificios, muebles, festines, danzas, mascaradas, fuegos de dados, naipes, vestidos, libreas, seguimiento de criados y generalmente en todas suertes de deleytes, luxuria, y superfluidad, lo que se avia comenzado antes de la yda de su magestad a Espana. Y desde entonces uvo un descontento casi general en el pais y esperanza de esta gente asi alborotada de veer en poco tiempo una mudanza.” Renom de Francia, Alborotos de Flandes, MS.
[496] Apologie de Guillaume IX. Prince d’Orange contre la Proscription de Philippe II. Roi d’Espagne, presentee aux Etats Generaux des Pays-Bas, le 13 Decembre, 1580, ap. Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, tom. V.
p. 384.
[497] M. Groen Van Prinsterer has taken some pains to explain the conduct of William’s parents, on the ground, chiefly, that they had reason to think their son, after all, might he allowed to worship according to the way in which he had been educated (p. 195). But whatever concessions to the Protestants may have been wrung from Charles by considerations of public policy, we suspect few who have studied his character will believe that he would ever have consented to allow one of his own household, one to whom he stood in the relation of a guardian, to be nurtured in the faith of heretics.
[498] See particularly Margaret’s letter to the king, of March 13, 1560, Correspondance de Marguerite d’Autriche, p. 260 et seq.
[499] M. Groen Van Prinsterer has industriously collated the correspondence of the several parties, which must be allowed to form an edifying chapter in the annals of matrimonial diplomacy. See Archives de la Maison d’Orange-Na.s.sau, tom. I. p. 202.
[500] Memoires de Granvelle, tom. I. p. 251.
[501] Raumer, Hist. Tasch., p. 109, ap. Archives de la Maison d’Orange-Na.s.sau, tom. I. p. 115.
[502] Correspondance de Marguerite d’Autriche, p. 284.
[503] It may give some idea of the scale of William’s domestic establishment to state, that, on reducing it to a more economical standard, twenty-eight head-cooks were dismissed. (Van der Haer, De Initiis Tumult., p. 182, ap. Archives de la Maison d’Orange-Na.s.sau, tom.
I. p. 200*.) The same contemporary tells us that there were few princes in Germany who had not one cook, at least, that had served an apprenticeship in William’s kitchen,–the best school in that day for the n.o.ble science of gastronomy.
[504] “Audivi rem domesticam sic splendide habuisse ut ad ordinarium domus ministerium haberet 24 n.o.biles, pueros vero n.o.biles (Pagios nominamus) 18.” Ibid., ubi supra.
[505] “Rei domesticae splendor, famulorumque et a.s.seclarum mult.i.tudo magnis Principibus par. Nec ulla toto Belgio sedes hospitalior, ad quam frequentius peregrini Proceres Legatique diverterent, exciperenturque magnificentius, quam Orangii domus.” Strada, De Bello Belgico, p. 99.
[506] “Le prince d’Orange, qui tient un grand etat de maison, et mene a sa suite des comtes, des barons et beaucoup d’autres gentilshommes d’Allemagne, doit, pour le moins, 900,000 fl.” Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 239.
[507] In January, 1564, we find him writing to his brother, “Puis qu’il ne reste que a XV. cens florins par an, que serons bien tost delivre des debtes.” Archives de la Maison d’Orange-Na.s.sau, tom. I. p. 196.
[508] “Il estoit d’une eloquence admirable, avec laquelle il mettoit en evidence les conceptions sublimes de son esprit, et faisoit plier les aultres seigneurs de la court, ainsy que bon luy sembloit.” Gachard, (Correspondance de Guillaume le Taciturne, tom. II., Preface, p. 3,) who quotes a ma.n.u.script of the sixteenth century, preserved in the library of Arras, ent.i.tled, “Commencement de l’Histoire des Troubles des Pays-Bas, advenuz soubz le Gouvernement de Madame la d.u.c.h.esse de Parme.”
[509] “Sy estoit singulierement aime et bien vollu de la commune, pour une gracieuse facon de faire qu’il avoit de saluer, caresser, et arraisonner privement et familierement tout le monde.” Ibid., ubi supra.
[510] “Il ne l’occuperoit point de ces choses melancoliques, mais il lui feroit lire, au lieu des Saintes-Ecritures, Amadis de Gaule et d’autres livres amusants du meme genre.” Archives de la Maison d’Orange-Na.s.sau, tom. I. p. 203*.
[511] “Il estoit du nombre de ceulx qui pensent que la religion chrestienne soit une invention politique, pour contenir le peuple en office par voie de Dieu, non plus ni moins que les ceremonies, divinations et superst.i.tions que Numa Pompilius introduisit a Rome.”
Commencement de l’Hist. des Troubles, MS., ap. Gachard, Cor. de Guillaume, tom. II., Preface, p. 5.
[512] “Tantot Catholique, tantot Calviniste ou Lutherien selon les differentes occasions, et selon ses divers desseins.” Memoires de Granvelle, tom. II. p. 54.
[513] “Estimant, ainsy que faisoient lors beaucoup de catholiques, que c’estoit chose cruelle de faire mourir ung homme, pour seulement avoir soustenu une opinion, jasoit qu’elle fut erronee.” MS. quoted by Gachard, Cor. de Guillaume, tom. II., Preface, p. 4.
[514] “No se vee que puedan quedar aqui mas tiempo sin grandissimo peligro de que dende agora las cosas entra.s.sen en alboroto.” Papiers d’Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. p. 166.
[515] “Harto se declaran y el Principe d’Oranges y Monsr d’Egmont que aunque tuviessen la mayor voluntad del mundo para servir en esto a V. M.
de tener cargo mas tiempo de los Espanoles, no lo osarian emprender si bolviessen, por no perderse y su credito y reputacion con estos estados.” Ibid., p. 197.
[516] Some notion of the extent of these embarra.s.sments may be formed from a schedule prepared by the king’s own hand, in September, 1560.
From this it appears that the ordinary sources of revenue were already mortgaged: and that, taking into view all available means, there was reason to fear there would be a deficiency at the end of the following year of no less than nine millions of ducats. “Where the means of meeting this are to come from,” Philip bitterly remarks, “I do not know, unless it be from the clouds, for all usual resources are exhausted.”
This was a sad legacy, entailed on the young monarch by his father’s ambition. The doc.u.ment is to be found in the Papiers d’Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. pp. 156-165.
[517] “Dizen todos los de aquella isla que antes se dexaran ahogar con ellos, que de poner la mano mas adelante en el reparo tan necessario de los diques.” Papiers d’Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. p. 200.
[518] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 192.–Strada, De Bello Belgico, p. 111.
[519] “Hase con industria persuadido a los pueblos que V. M. quiere poner aqui a mi instancia la inquisicion de Espana so color de los nuevos obispados.” Granvelle to Philip, Papiers d’Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. p. 554. See also Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I., pa.s.sim.
[520] “Los quales, aunque pueden ser a proposito para administrar sus abadias, olvidan el beneficio recebido del principe y en las cosas de su servicio y beneficio comun de la provincia son durissimos, y tan rudes para que se les pueda persuadir la razon, como seria qualquier menor hombre del pueblo.” Papiers d’Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. p. 18.
The intention of the crown appears more clearly from the rather frank avowal of Granvelle to the d.u.c.h.ess of Parma, made indeed some twenty years later, 1582, that it was a great object with Philip to afford a counterpoise in the states to the authority of William and his a.s.sociates. Archives de la Maison d’Orange-Na.s.sau, tom. VIII. p. 96.
[521] Papiers d’Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. p. 17.
[522] Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 71.
[523] Papiers d’Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. p. 612.–Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 263.–Meteren, Hist. des Pays-Bas, fol. 31.
By another arrangement the obligations of Afflighen and the other abbeys of Brabant were commuted for the annual payment of eight thousand ducats for the support of the bishops. This agreement, as well as that with Antwerp, was afterwards set aside by the unscrupulous Alva, who fully carried out the original intentions of the crown.
[524] Vandervynckt, Troubles des Pays-Bas, tom. II. p. 77.